By: Mohan Devraj Thontya (Karachi).

Introduction

Owing to its historical and architectural beauty, the city of Thatta has earned distinct place in the history of Sindh particularly between 12^th Century A.D. and up to 18^th century A.D. Thatta had hundreds of academic and learning centres around the city. Every corner of this ancient city represents its splendour past, which can now be seen in the beautiful architectural buildings called Māriyuń, tombs and shrines of the great saints, sufis, dervishes of high status, some of them anonymous but most of them are well-known in the history. Nonetheless, due to its historicity and provenance, this archaeological wonder piece has attended the full reception in the eyes of the tourists and researchers of the world. Some forgotten traditions and events were once deeply connected to the Lower Sindh of which Thatta was a centre of all activities and the royal city particularly during the Samma rule. This article will contribute some revealing features about Thatta district, its history and traditions in the context of Barmati Panth – a new religious faith which was started by Shree Dhaņi Māţańg Dev in the 12^th century A.D. and which itself has marvellous history of Sindh, and its neighbouring areas like Kutchh and Saurshtra.

Thatta – the ancient city

Thatta is located in the Southern Sindh and remains an important part of the Indus Delta. Thatta district has three main Talukas, Sujawal, Ghorabari, and Jati, further subdivided into Tappas. The antiquity of the city can be attested from the fact that a big part of the Sindh’s history is attached with its most famous Sindhi royal dynasties who had ruled Sindh from this historical city with pride and pomp. Another more significant part of the Thatta city is Makli hill which is the final abode of the kings, rulers, soldiers, saints, and dervishes.

It was the time when Thatta was on the zenith of cultural, literary and economic progress but later it gradually decayed and lost its glory after 18^th century A.D. Reverty in his Mihran of Sind says that Thatta was founded by Jam Tamachi¹ but some other record mentions that it was founded by the Samma ruler Jam Bambhniya² in the Fourteenth century A.D. and made it a capital city which remained the royal seat till the 15^th century A. D. Jam Lakho Ghuraro, was the founder of Samma dynasty who is said to have ruled Lower Sindh and Kutchh simultaneously from the capital named Pat Nagar as informed by Karani³ while he mentions about the origin about the Sammas. It can be thought that Pat Nagar meaning ‘Royal City’ in Sanskrit language was the ancient name of Thatta. Another Kutchhi author Mehta Madhavaram mentions that a local Samma ruler Lakhiar of Kutchh had won victory over Sammai Nagar and handed over to his son Lakho Ghuraro who died in the age of 108 years.⁴ Makli Namah also agree on this point but mentions capital as Samoi⁵, a part of Thatta. Barmati Panth traditions tells that Lakho Ghuraro (Dhuraro?) dwelt in the time of Shree Dhani Matang Dev, who helped him in establishing Samma rule in Sindh.⁶ Some Ginans furnishes further information that the Samma rulers and the Barmati Panth spiritual gurus had had good relationship as the Samma rulers showed reverence and devotion towards them. Owing to the internal rifts the Samma rule ended and had been replaced by the several other dynasties till the end of local rule.

The past glory of Thatta is mainly owed to the Sammas but history shows that the city existed even before 13^th century A.D. Before Sammas, an important dynasty the Sumras (1010-1351 A.D.) had temporarily made Kalan Kot as their capital near Makli area in Thatta⁷ after the ‘fall of Tharrai, Muhammad Tur (Mahatam Tur) and Shah kaPur.’⁸ It was the same Tharai town where the traces of Barmati history are also found as evidently the Shrine of Lurang Dev, the Second spiritual guide of Maheshvari Meghwar Barmati Panth followers is located at the proper site of Tharai and is visited by the devotees every year, thus it is said: ‘Tharai Lurang Jot Karam’⁹. The city of Thatta might still have not acquired its existing name as yet before the Sammas further developed Thatta to the great extent that its fame spread far and wide.

Since the time of the Samma rule, Thatta is known as Sammai Nagar. The city is locally known by other name also such as, Nangar Thatho¹⁰ (this is commonly called by Maheshvari Meghwars) or Thatto Nangar. In the name, Sammai Nangar, Nagar is Sanskrit origin word meaning ‘the City’. No doubt, Thatta was a developed and prosperous city during the rule of Sammas and even later, therefore it earned the status of a capital city. In Barmati Ginans, the name for this city is given as Sammai Nagar¹¹ which clearly shows that in the time of Mamai Dev (14^th/15^th century A.D.) Thatta was known as Sammai Nagar. The word Sammai is derived from the royal dynasty Samma therefore the word Sammai in the Sindhi dialect can be meant as ‘of Sammas’, so the name Sammai Nagar means ‘the City of Sammas’ representing the fact that the Samma rulers built and made Thatta as their capital. Another name Samoi is also related to the Thatta city, sometimes considered synonymous to the word Sammai and sometimes to the word Mamoi¹². In the first case, i.e., Sammai, we may once again assert on the point that Samoi might have been abrogated from Sammai; while in another case, i.e. Mamoi, it seems to be a derivation from the same root. Here let me say that the word Mamoi recalls to Mamai, who was nonetheless, Shree Mamai Dev, the 15^th century A.D. charismatic personality of Sindh. In the Sindhi folk poetry, the ‘Seven Mamoi Fakirs’¹³ are known due to the enlightened prophecies. In my research article, Mamoi Fakiran ji Haqiqat¹⁴, Kalachi, published under the Shah Latif Bhittai Chair, University of Karachi In which I have tried to prove that those were not Seven Mamoi Fakirs but there was only one who is known, among the Maheshvari Meghwars the followers of Barmati Panth as Shree Mamai Dev. As above it has been said that the Ginanic traditions of Barmati Panth tell us that the ruler of Thatta, named Bambhniya who had developed some differences with Shree Mamai Dev and killed Shree Mamai Dev to prevent him to preach the faith of Barmati Panth among the lowcaste Meghwar Maheshvaris.¹⁵ There is a famous event that Mamai Dev took his severed head in his own hands and walked through the streets of Thatta and revealed the Enlightened Predictions about Sindh, Kutchh, and other parts of India in particular and the whole World in general. The fabulous prophecies of Shree Mamai Dev have recently attracted the attention into the learned circles of the scholars who have shown keen interest into Mamai Dev’s Enlightened Predictions. Such a verse from the Ginan Mamai Dev ji Agam Vani¹⁶ mentions the old name of Thatta beside it clearly attributing the city to the Samma rule.

Maesri na roja Sindh mein, Puran praya beya adaiyja ghar,

Nagar Sammai jaghro theendho, vari uddhi khe,

Mamai bhane Maesriya, kapaba putar pe.

Translation:

O Maheshrwaris! Do not live in Sindh, beyond the Puran build your new houses.

In Nagar Sammai there will be fight, storms of dust will shatter,

Mamai warns Maheshvariyas, the son and the father both will be slayed.

A similar bet of Shree Mamai Dev is found in a book on Thatta, which goes as follow:

Matan vihja Maruha, Nagar ji adhar

Puran parar navan ma adija nijhra¹⁷

Translation:

Settle ye not oh people, becoming dependent on the Nagar

Build ye not thy homes on the other (western) side of the Puran¹⁸

It is worth to be noted that the actual royal seat of the Sammas was located at the particular area in Thatta which is now known as Samoi Goth or Samoi jo Goth. That place Samoi or Samoi Goth is located into the northern direction of Makli, where some historical shrines, for instance, Sat Satiyen jo Mazar¹⁹ (the Graves of the Seven Ladies), the shrines of Sheikh Jhande Patani and Mulla Abdulrehman Luttar (famously known as Mulla Luttar²⁰ who is said to have lived in the time of Mamai Dev according to the Barmati Panth traditions which call him Luttar Mullu exists besides some others. Between the Samoi Goth and the Makli Hill, there is an elegant structure of shrine of Shree Mamai Dev. The affairs of the shrine are run by the Maheshvari Meghwar Barmati Panth community, who come to visit to perform religious rite yatra (pilgrimage).

Thatta was continued to be ruled by the Arghun dynasty (1520-1552 A.D.)²¹ since an Afghan warlord Shah Beg Arghun defeated Jam Feroz and brought an end to the Samma rule with the help of his cousin Jam Salahuddin.²² After 40 years, Mirza Issa Khan Tarkhan looted and burnt city of Thatta, and massacred the populance hauling gold worth rupees two crores in A.D. 1554.²³ Tarkhans dynasty existed till A.D 1621.²⁴ For a short span of time, Thatta came under the control of Mughal empire, which left its traces in architectural buildings at the city. Mirza Jani Beg Tarkhan handed over the rein of Sindh to the Mughal emperor Akbar, who had been appointed the Mughal Nawabs in Thatta and stayed there up to A.D. 1736.²⁵ During that period Mughal emperor Shahjahan, the then governor built Shahjahani Mosque in Thatta. After them, Kalhoras (1700-1783 A.D.) and Talpurs (1783-1843 A.D.)²⁶ gained power in all over Sindh. The last Ghulam Shah Kalhora is known for his adventures in Kutchh. The local rule culminated by the arrival of the British who won victory over Sindh in A.D. 1843.²⁷ The rest is the history with which we are accustomed to know.

Makli Graveyard —-The Famous Necropolis.

In the time of the Sammas, Makli Hill was mere an outskirt area of the main city but its serene atmosphere inspired the rulers to make the hill as their final abode. If we come from Karachi, Makli Town occupies the two significant historical sites; on the left, the Makli royal graveyard while on the right side an ancient temple of Kalka Mata is located. The Hill of Makli was previously considered a mountainous branch of Harhe and Pubb but new researches have revealed that it is a far-off branch of Kheer Thar mountain range.²⁸ Since, it is geographically connected with Thatta so the antiquity and environment of both the areas go hand in hand. On the Makli hill, the tombs of the rulers of the Samma, the Arghun, and Tarkhan dynasties are scattering here and there, also the famous generals, saints and poets are also buried there. The Sind Gazetteer mentions that the Makli Monuments are standing on the Rock with a graceful length of ten miles and elevation varying from 80 to 150 feet, while the ancient temple of Kalka Devi is built into a cave on the right side of the Road and in the same range of the Makli Rock.²⁹ Due to its veracity and significance with respect to archaeology and history, Makli has been put on the World Heritage List by the cultural body UNESCO of the United Nations Organization.

The work of calligraphy on the Makli grave stones presents unique style and design which can hardly be found in any other corner in Sindh. The pride of Makli is not just for owning to the royal occupation but the tombs of the holy saints and dervishes of the same eras are also erected. Whole the year the crowds of devotees visit to pay homage to these sacred personalities. Makli is often called an abode of Sawa Lakh Oliya³⁰. In one of the Ginanic traditions of Barmati Panth, these Sawa Lakh Oliya have been praised in Omaro.³¹ That is why the graveyard is equally supposed to be sacred sepulcher as well as the royal necropolis.

The etymology of the name Makli has remained perplexing as several scholars have put forwarded some theories in order to explain the origin of its name. So, the question arises in our mind that how the Makli got its name and became so popular among common folk? Some stories are revolving in this regard, for example, there is a grave of certain female saint known as Mai Makli³² due to which the whole area became known by this name. A similar tradition runs among the Maheshvari Meghwar Barmati followers who consider that Samma ruler Jam Bambhniya’s mother’s name was Makli bai³³ but it is neither attested from any record of history nor the Ginans of Mamai Dev whose sacred compositions are considered as a reliable source for the Barmati history. Some other traditions are also running for example, Makli Namah tells a oral tradition that the famous hill earned the name from ‘Makkah li’.³⁴ Now it seems that the name Makli got its name from the ancient historical temple of Kalka Devi. To my own opinion and as the related traditions follow the fact, it appears that the name Makli was derivative of Ma Kali – ‘The Mother goddess Kali’ an enchanted sacred formula repeated by the ascetics and the pilgrims who came up the shrine for devotion. This ancient temple of Mata Kalka Devi also known as the temple of Mata Singh Bhavani under a story who took the incarnation as Mata Singh Bhavani for the killing of a demon Mahishasura.³⁵ The local Hindus believe that this temple exists from the time immemorial as several yugas have passed nevertheless its antiquity is proven by its location and the peculiar structure built into a cave. Ali Sher Qan’e has used the name ‘Kalkan’ for the goddess³⁶, with an excessive letter ‘n’. The Hindu, Bheel, Kohli including Maheshvari Meghwar worship the goddess as a guardian deity. Thatta has many other Hindu religious sites, Sahsa Linga Talao and Kala(n?) Kot and the Sant Baba Srichand ashram etc.

In this article we have studied that some forgotten traditions those are scattering in the Lower Sindh are directly connected to the old city of Thatta – the city, otherwise known as Sammai Nagar, is nevertheless, significant to the point of Barmati Panth history, culture and literature. The only need is to fill the gaps of missing links in order to complete the either history of Sindh or Barmati Panth.

The End

References

1. Reverty, H.G. (1979). Mihran of Sind & its tributaries. Lahore. Sang-e-Meel Publications. Originally printed in 1892 at Calcutta.
2. Qan’e, Mir Sher Ali. (1967). Makli Namah translated by Syed Hassamuddin Rashdi from Persian into Sindhi. Hyderabad. Sindhi Adabi Board. p.78.
3. Karani, Dulerai L. (1968). Cutch Na Kaladharo i.e. Chandra Vansh Charitra, by Dulerai L. Karani. Printed at Bahadur Sinhji Printing Press, Palitana. 1934.
4. Mehta, Madhavji Shivram. (1978). Kutchh na Karnadhara Vol.I. Bhuj-Kutchh. Kamlesh Prakashan, p.8-9.
5. Qan’e. ibid. p.78.
6. Baghvant, Malsi Ladha. (1991). Matang Puran ane Meghwar samaj ni utpati. (Matang Puran and Origins of Meghwar society). Kutchh. Printed by Jatashankar Baghvant.
7. Qan’e. ibid. p.678.
8. Panhwar, M.H. (2003). An Historical Atlas of Soomra Dynasty (1011-1351 A.D). Karachi. All Soomra Council-Pakistan. p.51.
9. Unpublished MS. Unpublished Manuscript. Shree Mamai Dev. Ginan: Chhutka Ved. Four verses. 14th century A.D. Originally written in Shastri Bhasha. Copied by Bhanji Matang in Gujarati script under the same title of the Ginan. 1958. Note Book No3. The Ginans of Shree Mamai Dev. Personal collection.
10. Qan’e. ibid. pp.8, 40, & 94.
11. Unpublished Manuscript. Shree Mamai Dev. Ginan: Mamai Dev sir diyen viyo Sammai Nangar mein. 8 verses. 14th century A.D. Originally written in Shastri Bhasha. Copied by Kheraj Velji Thontya in Gujarati script under the same title of the Ginan. 1958. Note Book No.1. The Ginans of Shree Mamai Dev. Personal collection.
12. Burton, R. F. (1851). Scinde, The Unhappy Valley, Vols.-I&II. New Berlington Street, London: Bradbury and Evans Printers. p.158.
13. Burton. ibid. p.158.
14. Thontya, Mohan Devraj. Mamoi Fakiran Ji Haqiqat. (Sindhi). In Kalachi. Vol-IV. December 1999. pp.55-66. published by Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai Chair, University of Karachi, Karachi.
15. Thontya, Mohan Devraj.  History of Barmati Panth (draft book) unpublished.
16. Versingh R. Lalan. (n.d.) Pujya Shree Matai Dev Tapobhumi Yatradham Smriti Ank. Bhuj-Kutchh. Akhil Gujarat Matai Dev Tapobhumi Yatradham Trust Kutchh. p.13.
17. Dani, A. H. (1982). Thatta – The Islamic Architecture. Islamabad: Institute of Islamic History Culture & Civilization, notes, p.202.
18. Dani. ibid. append. p.198.
19. Makli Namah. ibid. p.79.
20. Makli Namah. ibid. p.699.
21. Shaikh, M. Sumar. 2006. Kutchh Jo Rann-Tareekh ji roshni mein (Desert of Kutchh-in the light of history), Hyderabad. Sindhi Adabi Board. p.126.
22. Shaikh. ibid. pp.126-7-8.
23. Panhwar, M. H. (1980). Sind Cutch Relations. Sind Archives Lecture-Series-History of Sind. Karachi. Sind Archives.
24. Shaikh. ibid. p.131.
25. ibid. p.133.
26. ibid. p.137.
27. ibid. p.137.
28. Qan’e. ibid. section: Makli. p.1.
29. Hughes. (1996). Sind Gazetteer. Karachi. Indus Publishers. p.3.
30. Qan’e. ibid. section: Makli. p.3.
31. Unpublished Manuscript. Ginan: Omaro. 99 verses. 14th century A.D. Copied by Versi R. Lalan in Gujarati script under the same title of the Ginan. 1958. Note Book No.8. The Ginans of Shree Mamai Dev. Personal collection.
32. Qan’e. ibid. p.85. cf. Tohfatul Kiram. pp.184-185.
33. Baghvant. ibid. p.316.
34. Qan’e. ibid. section: Makli. p.4.
35. This local tradition was told by the priest of the temple.
36. Qan’e. ibid. p.29, 458.

Samapti

 Source: Bhavan’s Journal Vol. 52, No.18 & 19 (30^th April & 15^th May, 2006).

  Article written by: Prof. J. V. Naik

Renowned Scholar-Historian and Ex-Chairman, Indian History Congress

Prof J. V. Naik has written this article while he was Chairman of the prestigious Indian History Congress in 2006. Thus, this article is an authentic material endorsed by Indian History Congress.* 

Mahatma Jyotirao Phule (1827-1890) was the chief ideologue as well as the first most influential leader of the determined low caste protest movement in the 19^th century Maharashtra, and by the same token, the conscience keeper and the revolutionary spokesperson of the nameless, faceless, dumb millions of India. During this lifetime he did his best to infuse a new spirit in the dormant oppressed masses to fight for their rights, and thus, in many respects, he anticipated Mahatma Gandhi on the one hand, and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, on the other. His revolutionary ideas were the product of his deep reflection on social history of India from the ancient times, of his keen perception of the existing social reality, of his appreciation of the Western influences that came in the wake of British rule, of his own painful practical experience and of his preparedness to fight every form of injustice – all informed by a comprehending credo, resulting in an irresistible urge to create a new life and new society, on the basis of rationality and equality.

A careful historical inquiry into the development of Phule’s ideology reveals that, though he had always been a liberal-radical, in the first phase of his illustrious career his “liberalism was inclusive and not exclusive of the Brahmans”, and that his later day iconoclasm displaying a militant anti-Brahmin stance, was essentially a strong reaction to the collapse of the anti-caste movement, initiated by the Dadoba Pandurang Tarkhadkar (1814-1882) in the early 1840’s through a reform association called the Paramahana Sabha, due to the reactionary aspirations of the dominant upper caste Hindu orthodoxy to maintain the status quo.

There is also enough evidence to suggest that Phule’s utter disillusionment with the Prarthana Samaj of Bombay (1867) (counterpart of the Brahmo Samaj of Bengal), which emerged out of the ashes of the Paramahansa Sabha, may have substantially contributed to his growing conviction that emancipation of the Shudras¹ and Ati-Shudras² could be achieved only through the total annihilation of Brahmanical culture system that lay at the root of all social ills. Only a powerfully original mind can emancipate itself as completely as did Phule from the centuries old load of the tyranny of custom and tradition. For a proper appreciation of Phule’s ideology of universal humanism in a historical perspective, the main features of his social philosophy needs to be first noted:

First, Mahatma Phule, in leading the low caste protest, put himself outside Brahmanical culture system, and sought to create a counter-culture based on truth, justice and humanity.

Second, his fight was against Brahmanism and not Brahmins per se. He had a number of enlightened Brahmin friends such as Govande, Walvekar, Paranjape and others who shared his perception of the existing reality and helped him in his endeavors to secure social justice to the downtrodden.

Third, Mahatma Phule, as rightly pointed out by G.P. Deshpande, took “a remarkably modern and gendered view, which saw gender itself, not Varna, as the basis of oppression that women faced”. He did not categorize women on the basis of caste and creed; he “included all women in his notion of “Shudra-Ati-Shudra” and pleaded for equal and common rights for all men and women”. He was the first Indian to do so and, by the same token, to anticipate the U.N. Charter of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the first article of which states: “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights…”

Fourth            , as a Satya Shodhak or Truth Seeker, his sole concern was the human person, with value of truth as a sure guide for human conduct, the test of which lies in the promotion of human welfare, and not traditional values. He was a humanist who developed his own unique brand of radical humanism which did not exclude even God or Nirmik. Thus, as a rationalist, his position was akin to that of the founders of “Philosophical Rationalism” viz. Descartes, Spinoza, Leibnitz – as distinguished from empiricism of John Stuart Mill and Bertrand Russel.

Fifth, for Phule, social justice was that which assures the dignity of the individual. His view of social justice was akin to “the respect-for-person view” associated with Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), the famed German Philosopher and his concept of “categorical imperative” which is radically different from Contract Theory of Justice associated with Hobbes, Rousseau, and, most recently, with John Rawls as also from the Utilitarian Theory of “greatest happiness of the greatest number” of Jerome Benthan.

Kant’s maxim enunciates the principle of respect for humanity: “the people must be treated as ends in themselves and never merely as means”. “It places in the people inalienable rights that cannot be contract away, need not be established by contract, and do not depend upon whether they increase the sum of happiness”. Later Mahatma Gandhi became the votary of ‘respect-for-person’ view of Social Justice; so did his follower, Martin Luther King, in the United States. And social revolt of Periyar Ramaswami Naicker (1879-1973) and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar emanated from the same view of social justice.

Lastly, and most importantly, in its concrete, Phule’s ideology as explained by Gail Omvedt, was based upon his “identification with the peasant masses and an attachment to revolutionary values of equality and rationality”. This inevitably led him to reinterpret Indian history and culture and develop his “non-Aryan Theory” with the concomitant theory of exploitation of the masses by the dominant class – the foreign Bhatt – Brahmans.

Mahatma Jyotiba Phule’s social philosophy rested on the twin principles of rationalism and humanism. In his fight against Brahmanic culture system, it is reasonable to suggest that Mahatma Phule in some ways anticipated the Gramscian concept of “dominant ideology”, of the idea of “hegemony”; and he was, though distant, the real originator of subaltern studies in this country.

Numerous social evils that were practiced in the name of religion got aggravated in Maharashtra under the degenerate Peshwa regime especially in its last phase, the various privileges enjoyed by the Brahmans simply for their being Brahmans, and governing Brahman elite exploited the lower classes. A heartrending description of the condition of the peasantry under the last Peshwa Bajirao-II is to be found in Phule’s writings. In his essay Ishara (“Warning”) Phule writes :-

“Not long ago, until the end of the regime of the last Arya Peshwa, Rao Baji, if a peasant committed a slight default in payment of land revenue, he was made to stand half-bent in the blazing sun, a big stone put on his back, and his wife was made to sit on it, and down in front of him was lighted a fire with chillies thrown on it. The ruler treated his subjects as animals. Their only use was to produce for the ruler and the men and women of his caste, food and clothing by toiling hard in the sun and the rain, and to keep them provided with their numerous luxuries….”

Mahatma Phule’s career falls into two distinct phases. In the first phase, which lasted till about mid-1860’s, he concentrated mainly on practical social work, and did not develop any distinct ideology of his own. Born in Mali³ community in 1827, he could complete his education in a Mission School only in 1847.

Among the early influences on him was Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man which has a living message, “It was man’s natural right to hold what views he pleased; and civil or rights could never abrogate natural rights, out of which alone they can arise”.

At an impressionable age, Phule had read biographies of George Washington and Chhatrapati Shivaji. And for a while he entertained the idea of becoming a freedom fighter, impressed as he was by the local revolts of Kolis and Ramoshis against the British rule. But, like most social reformers and the leaders of the Moderates, he eventually welcomed the British rule as “Divine Dispensation”, for he viewed it as God’s instrument to rescue the oppressed humanity from “the clutches of the Brahman demos”. So disgusted Phule was with the old social order that he ignored the dark side of British rule which some of his contemporaries like Bhaskar Pandurang Tarkhadkar (1816-1847) had thoroughly exposed and had asserted that there was no such thing as beneficent imperialism and that there cannot be anything altruistic about the colonial rule.

Phule had the first bitter taste of the inequities of the caste system when he was abused and insulted for joining a Brahman wedding procession in 1848. This painful personal experience as well as his acute awareness of the problems of females and untouchables turned him into a genuine social reformer. In his reform programme he gave priority to the education of women and Ati-Shudras. In 1848 he established the first school for Shudra-ati-Shudra girls, and two more such schools in 1851, against overwhelming odds.

In this his major collaborators, besides his noble wife Savitribai, were the Brahmins – Sadashiv Ballal Govande, Moro Vitthal Walvekar, Sakharam Yeshwant Paranjape – who shared his perception of the existing social reality. His educational activities, though highly appreciated by the authorities, incurred for him a terrible wrath not only of the orthodox Brahmans, but of his own community, so much so that his gentle father, under social pressure, had to ask him to leave home. Undeterred, he continued his social work: helped arrange a widow marriage in 1864, established a founding home for abandoned children in 1867, and in the following year, opened a small bathing tank near his house for the untouchables.

During this period he wrote just one book, a play entitled, Tritiya Ratna “The Third Eye”. Written in 1855, it remained unpublished during his lifetime. The book clearly showed his antipathy for the Brahmans for their ruthless exploitation of the ignorant and the superstitious peasants. Though it set a pattern for his later thought, he had not, at this point, completely abandoned his faith in the Brahmans’ seeing reason and mending the old social order.

He read Thomas Paine’s Age of Reason in which Paine had made the profession of his faith that: “I believe in the equality of man, and I believe that religious duties consist in doing justice, loving mercy, and endeavoring to make our fellow creatures happy”. This seems to have made a deep impact on Phule. Equally, and perhaps even more decisive influence in shaping Phule’s religious and social thought seems to be that Theodore Parker (1810-1860) a rebellious US Clergyman, social reformer and abolitionist. Parker passionately campaigned against every form of injustice and superstition and was against slavery and worked for its abolition throughout his life.

Phule, like Parker, makes social progress dependent upon a proper understanding of religion. His understanding of religion, as expounded in his Sarvajanik Satyadharma Pustak, shows a “healthy opposition to escapism, devotionalism, externalism, hypocrisy, formalism and selfishness in religious matters”. The dignity of man rests on his reason. Phule’s humanism, as that of Parker, was universal, claiming equal rights for all and excluding all discriminating distinctions. And it is significant that he DEDICATED his book Gulamgiri (Slavery) to “The Good People of the United States as a token of admiration for their Sublime Disinterested and Self-sacrificing Devotion,” in the cause of Negro Slavery; and with an earnest desire, that my countrymen may take their noble example as their guide in the emancipation of their Shudra brethren from the trammels of Brahmin thralldom”.

From 1869 onwards Phule entered upon a new phase which is characterized by a crusade against the Brahmanical cultural system. For this, he developed an ideology to unite and mobilize the masses for their own emancipation from the dominant class – the Brahmins. The ideology of his non-Brahmin movement was enunciated in three important books he wrote between 1869-73, namely, Chhatrapati Shivaji Raje Bhonsale Yancha Pawada (1869), Brahmanache Kasab (1869), Gulamgiri (1873). Through his writings, he developed his theory of “Aryan – Non Aryan” conflict. This theory was central to his concept of exploitation of masses by the dominant class consisting of the Bhat – Brahmins who were non-Indians.

All his subsequent writings are variations of the same theme. In the year 1873, he launched the Satyashodhaka Samaj (Society of Truth-Seekers) to organize the Shudras with the object of liberating them from the religious and social domination of the Brahmins.

It is important to note that he was the first Indian to use the motto “Satyameva Jayate” on his letterhead which became the motto of Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratic Republic of India. Significantly, the labour movement in India was indeed an offshoot of Mahatma Phule’s Satyashodhak Samaj.

In his Ballad of Chhatrapati Shivaji, as rightly pointed out by Rosalind O’Hanlon, he gave a “startlingly new and overtly anti-Brahmin interpretation of Maharashtra’s history and culture”.

He gave a fresh interpretation of the word Kshatriya. Etymological the term “Kshatriya”, he said, is derived from the Marathi word Kshetra meaning a field or place, and he asserted that this term “originally denoted all those living peaceably together on the land before the arrival of the Brahmin invaders”.

He thus held that Shudras and Ati-Shudras are the descendants of the Kshatriyas of ancient India whose leader was the mythical King Bali.

These aborigines, who were all Kshatriyas, were suppressed by the Aryan invaders. He thus attempted to give a common Kshatriya identity to all the lower castes and “drew a parallel between Shivaji and the mythical King Bali as the leader of the lower castes against external oppressors”.

He completely demolished the theory of incarnation as also mythical (Purushsukta) theory of the origin of the four Varnas, and dubbed it as sheer chicanery on the part of the “Shameless” Brahmins.

In the Brahmanache Kasab (“Priestcraft Exposed”), which is a collection of ballads, he further elaborated on the ‘non-Aryan’ theory, and gave a vivid contemporary account of many pernicious customs, unmeaning ceremonies, rituals and rites fostered by the Brahmins to fleece the ignorant lower castes.

Gulamgiri is easily the most powerful book by Mahatma Phule. This together with his last work ‘Sarvajanik Satya Dharma’ nearly sums up his concerns and ideals. The English introduction which he wrote to Gulamgiri, is a master-piece. Here he uses the researches of European Scholars especially that of Dr. Pritchard, the ethnologist, to demonstrate “beyond a shadow of doubt that the Brahmins were not aborigines of India”. He narrates how the cunning Brahmins fabricated innumerable falsehoods “to dupe the minds of the ignorant and to rivet firmly on them the chains of perpetual bondage and slavery which their selfishness and cunning had forged”. He gives a heartrending account of the ruthless exploitation of the lower castes, especially the poor peasants during the degenerate Brahmanical rule in the latter part of the Maratha Kingdom.

Phule waged his ideological battle on two fronts: first he attempted to create a new collective identity for all Shudras and Ati-Shudras through his “non-Aryan” theory, through effective polemics, and by invoking folk-culture of Maharashtra for their emotional integration. Second, he sought to inform the British rulers that they had a providential task of liberating the Shudras, and they could achieve it, not by catering to the religious susceptibilities and administrative and political ambitions of the Brahmins, but by giving education and employment to the lower castes. This last point comes out brilliantly in his Sarvajaniksatyadharmapustak which is a comprehensive statement of his social, religious and moral ideas.

In conclusion, it needs to be stressed that until Phule’s appearance on the scene, the so-called nineteenth century Indian Renaissance was essentially an elitist affair and that it “suffered from a kind of original sin, detachment from the grassroots of Indian life”. Phule communicated with the common people entirely in their own idiom, language and spirit. He was the first to give expression to the misery and discontent that lay latent in the minds and hearts of the dumb millions. He raised his voice against every form of injustice. He ceaselessly worked for the moral and material improvement of the oppressed and the depressed. He blazed the trail in several vital spheres of national life.

He was the first in the country to start Schools for Shudra-Ati Shudra girls and to assert that women should have not been equal but even more rights than man. He was the FIRST SOCIAL ACTIVIST to show a deep concern for the condition of Indian agriculture production and the plight of the peasants; and his trusted lieutenant in the Satyashodhak Samaj, Narayan Meghaji Lokhande has been universally hailed as the father of the Indian Labour Movement.

His follower Tarabai Shinde, author of “Stree-Purusha Tulana (1822), is the first major feminist woman writer of India. Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj drew inspiration from him in his noble work of the upliftment of the downtrodden. Like Mahatma Gandhi, Phule called his followers in the Satyashodhak Samaj to the contemplation of God as Truth. And, like Mahatma Gandhi, he was the friend of the poorest, the loneliest and the lost. He anticipated Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar in his efforts to annihilate caste. In fact, he foreshadowed all the provisions made in the Indian Constitution to secure social justice to all his countrymen. His was Universal Humanism. He was a Mahatma in every sense of the term and deserves to be so venerated.

Footnotes:

1.   Shudras        :        Present day Other Backward Class (OBC) community.

2.   Ati-Shudras  :        Present day Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribe (SC/ST) communities.

3.   Mali                 :        Community falling under Shudra Varna i.e. Other Backward Class community.

*    The Indian History Congress was established in 1935, and from its inception has remained the largest academic and professional body of Indian historians, it has now over 9000 members. As defined by its constitution its primary object is the promotion and encouragement of the scientific study of Indian history. It holds annual sessions and publishes their proceedings mainly comprising research papers. It issues various publications, including monographs and collections of papers. It has sponsored the publication of a Comprehensive History of India, many volumes of which have been published. The Indian History Congress stands for collaboration with historians throughout the world, and promotes the study in India of the history of other countries.

लेखक: आर.पी. सिंह, आई.पी.एस.

पुस्तक सार

आर्यों एक घुमन्तु कबीला था. वे भी पशुपालन के लिए नए चरागाहों की खोज में घूमते रहते थे. उन्हें भारत के सिंधु घाटी क्षेत्र की विकसित सभ्यता का पता चला. यह कृषि भूमि सम्पदा से भरपूर थी. यहाँ पर राजऋषि मेघऋषि की एक विकसित सभ्यता थी. आर्यों ने भारत के शान्ति-प्रेमी, मूलनिवासी, सिंधु सभ्यता के शासकों को हराकर उन्हें बेघर कर दिया. ‘मेघवंश’ भी टुकड़ों में बँट गया. वे भिन्न-भिन्न राज्यों में भिन्न-भिन्न नामों से पहचाने जाने लगे. उनके साथ सामाजिक अन्याय होने लगे. उनकी स्थिति त्रासदीदायक और शोचनीय हो गई.

सम्पूर्ण सप्तसिन्धु प्रदेश राजऋषि ‘वृत्र’ के अधिकार में था. जिस प्रकार महादेव को आर्य लोग पार्वती के रिश्ते से पहले महासुर (महाअसुर) कहते थे, उसी प्रकार ये ‘वृत्र’ को भी ‘वृत्रासुर’ नाम से पुकारते थे. महाभारत के आदि पर्व में भीष्म ने ‘वृत्र’ को अनेक गुणों, कीर्ति, शौर्य, धार्मिकता और ज्ञान-विज्ञान का स्वामी माना है.

नाग (असुर) मूलत: शिव उपासक बताए गए हैं. लाल प्रद्युम्न सिंह ने ‘नागवंश का इतिहास’ में बताया है कि नागवंशियों को उनकी उत्तम योग्यताओं, गुणवत्ता, व्यवहार व कार्यशैली के कारण देवों का दर्जा दिया गया है. वे वास्तुकला आदि में निपुण थे. नागवंशियों का सम्पूर्ण भारत पर राज्य था. वंशावली बढ़ने से उनके अलग-अलग स्थानीय वंश हुए तथा बाद में अधिकतर ने वैष्णव धर्म अपना लिया एवं शिव को भी वैष्णव धर्म का देवता मान लिया गया.

अनेक विद्वान सुर तथा असुर को एक ही पिता की संतान होने की बात स्वीकार नहीं करते. प्रह्लाद का पिता असुर (अनार्य) वंश का राजा हिरण्यकश्यप सुरों (आर्यों) का सैद्धान्तिक विरोधी था. हिरण्यकश्यप के पुत्र प्रह्लाद ने वैष्णव विचारधारा को अपनाया. उसके वीरोचन का पुत्र राजा महाबली (असुर-अनार्य) वंशावली का शासक था. केरल राज्य में ट्रिक्करा –(Trikkara) उसकी राजधानी थी. राजा महाबली बड़ा धार्मिक राजा था. उसके राज्य में कोई भी ऊँच-नीच नहीं था. अपने दादा प्रह्लाद की भांति वह भी विष्णु का भक्त था. लेकिन उसे अपने पूर्वजों के साथ आर्यों द्वारा किए गए कपट का ज्ञान था. उसने अपने पराक्रम से सम्पूर्ण सिन्धु क्षेत्र पर अधिकार करके सौ अश्वमेघ यज्ञ किए (सौ लड़ाइयाँ जीतीं). आर्य (सुर) उससे मन ही मन घृणा करते थे. उसी मेघवंशीय असुर महाराजा महाबली के कुल के इन मेघवालों को ‘बलाई’ भी कहा जाता है.

इन्द्र ने छलकपट से मेघऋषि वृत्रासुर की हत्या की. (ऋग्वेद् के अनुसार) इन्द्र चारों ओर से पापों में घिर गया. जिनमें एक ‘ब्रह्म-हत्या’ का भी था. सम्भवत: इसी कारण लोग वृत्र को ‘ब्राह्मण’ या ‘ब्रह्मा’ का पुत्र समझते हैं.

प्रसिद्ध इतिहासकार के.पी. जायसवाल ने मेघवंश राजाओं को चेदीवंश का माना है. ‘भारत अंधकार युगीन इतिहास (सन् 150 ई. से 350 ई. तक)’ में वे लिखते हैं, ‘ये लोग मेघ कहलाते थे. ये लोग उड़ीसा तथा कलिंग के उन्हीं चेदियों के वंशज थे, जो खारवेल के वंशधर थे और अपने साम्राज्य काल में ‘महामेघ’ कहलाते थे. भारत के पूर्व में जैन धर्म फैलाने का श्रेय खारवेल को जाता है. कलिंग राजा जैन धर्म के अनुयायी थे, उनका वैष्णव धर्म से विरोध था. अत: वैष्णव धर्मी राजा अशोक ने उस पर आक्रमण किया इसका दूसरा कारण समुद्री मार्ग पर कब्जा भी था. इसे ‘कलिंग युद्ध’ के नाम से जाना जाता है. युद्ध में एक लाख से अधिक लोग मारे जाने से व्यथित अशोक ने बौद्ध धर्म अपनाया और अहिंसा पर जोर देकर बौद्ध धर्म को अन्य देशों तक फैलाया.

कालांतर में भारत की कई प्राचीन वीर और जुझारू राजवंशीय जातियों का इतिहास लोप हो गया. कइयों को कमीण, कारू जातियों में परिणत कर दिया गया. कइयों का अस्तित्व ही समाप्त प्राय: हो गया.

कुछ लोग समझते हैं कि ‘चमार’ शब्द चमड़े का काम करने वाली जातियों से जुड़ा है और उसी से इतनी घृणा पैदा हुई है. आज बड़ी-बड़ी फैक्ट्रियों में यह कार्य हो रहा है और सवर्ण लोग भी कर रहे हैं.

कुछ विद्वानों का मत है कि ‘चंवर’ से ‘चमार’ शब्द की उत्पत्ति हुई है. संभवत: ‘चंवर’ शब्द का विकास ‘चार्वाक’ से हुआ है. इसका तात्पर्य कि जो ‘चार्वाक धर्म’ को मानते हैं, वे ‘चंवर’ हैं. यह धर्म वैष्णव धर्म में विश्वास नहीं करता. यह समानता का पाठ पढ़ाता है तथा झूठे आडम्बरों की पोल खोलता है. चंवर, चामुण्डराय, हिरण्यकश्यप, महाबलि, कपिलासुर, जालंधर, विषु, विदुवर्तन आदि भी ‘चार्वाक धर्म’ को मानने वाले शासक हुए हैं.

प्रतिबंधों के कारण चाहे ‘चमार-समाज’ अकेला पड़ गया, फिर भी वह अपनी शासन व्यवस्था के लिए किसी का मोहताज नहीं रहा और न ही किसी को अपने ऊपर हावी होने दिया. इस समाज का अध्ययन एवं सर्वे करने से पता चलता है कि इसने ब्राह्मणों की मनुस्मृति के कानून-विधान की परवाह नहीं की. वह इन अमानवीय विधानों की धज्जियाँ उड़ाता रहा, चाहे उसे कितनी ही मुसीबतों का सामना क्यों न करना पड़ा हो. ब्राह्मण वर्ग ने जैसे ‘सवर्ण समाज’ की रचना की, वैसे ही चमार वर्ग ने भी ‘चमार आत्मनिर्भर समाज’ गठित किया. भक्तिकाल में रूढ़िवादिता पर चोट के कारण एक ओर दलितों में अधिकार चेतना जागृत हुई तो दूसरी ओर उनके व रूढ़िवादियों के बीच जातीय कटुता को बढ़ावा मिला.

‘चमार’ जाति को अत्यंत अस्पृश्य व नीच बनाने का श्रेय हिंदी शब्द-कोषकारों को जाता है. संस्कृत के शब्द-कोष ग्रथों में ‘चमार’ को नीच जाति नहीं कहा गया था.  इस देश में झगड़ा केवल आर्य और अनार्य का है. सिंधु निवासी आडंबरों व अंधविश्वासों में भरोसा नहीं करते थे, उन्हें आर्यों ने मारा. बौद्ध धर्म ने जाति-प्रथा को तोड़कर समानता सिखाई तो बौद्धों को मारा गया. शूद्रों द्वारा अपने अधिकारों की माँग किए जाने पर उनको इतना प्रताड़ित किया जाने लगा. विदेशी आक्रमणकारियों को सवर्णों द्वारा स्वीकार कर लिया जाता रहा. आश्चर्य की बात है कि रूढ़िवादी सवर्ण लोगों द्वारा हिन्दू धर्म में होते हुए भी यहाँ के मूलनिवासियों (शूद्र-दलितों) को अभी तक शूद्र, अछूत, अग्राह्य व अनावश्यक समझा जाता है. वे इन्हें छोड़ना भी नहीं चाहते. क्योंकि ये उनकी आवश्यक वस्तुओं के उत्पादन के मूल स्तम्भ हैं.

अंग्रेजों ने यहाँ फैले अंधविश्वासों और कुप्रथाओं का अंत करना शुरू किया. इससे दलितों को पढ़ने व रोजगार का अवसर मिला, जिससे उनकी सामाजिक एवं आर्थिक स्थिति में सुधार हुआ. आर्य समाज का जब खूब प्रचार-प्रसार हुआ तो बहुत से लोगों ने ‘आर्य’ लगाकर जाति नाम बदला. आजकल लोगों द्वारा अपने नाम के पीछे ‘भारती’ लगाने का रिवाज़ सा चल पड़ा है. पंजाब में आदिधर्म द्वारा यह प्रचार किया गया कि हम इस देश के आदिनिवासी (मूलनिवासी) हैं. सुधारवादी आन्दोलनों में यह निर्णय लिया गया कि ‘चमार’ शब्द से समाज को पग-पग पर अपमान झेलना पड़ता है, इसलिए ‘चमार’ जैसे अपमानजनक जाति सूचक शब्द से छुटकारा दिलाया जाए.

राजस्थान और गुजरात में स्वामी गोकुलदास जी ‘मेघवंश’ नाम से समाज को एक सूत्र में संगाठित कर रहे थे. इन्होंने समाज को एक नाम देने के लिए सन् 1935 में ‘मेघवंश इतिहास’ नामक पुस्तक लिखी. इसका संशोधित संस्करण 1960 में प्रकाशित हुआ. राजस्थान और दिल्ली में आचार्य स्वामी गरीबदास जी ने मेघवाल, बलाई, भांबी आदि मूलत: कपड़े बनाने का कार्य करने वाली जाति को ‘सूत्रकार’ नाम से संगठित किया. उन्होंने ‘अखिल भारतीय सूत्रकार महासभा’ का गठन कर समाज को बेगार मुक्त करने का एक पुरजोर आन्दोलन छेड़ दिया. पहले सूत्रकार आन्दोलन से मेघवाल समाज का सामाजिक स्तर बढ़ा.

भारत रत्न बाबा साहब डा. भीमराव अम्बेडर ने सभी दलित जातियों को एक झण्डे के नीचे इकट्ठा होने का आह्वान किया. उन्होंने प्राचीन धर्म ‘बौद्ध धर्म’ को पुनर्जीवित किया. उसे नई शक्ति और नई दिशा दी. उन्होंने भारत की हजारों अस्पृश्य जातियों में बंटे दलितों को मात्र एक ‘अनुसूचित जाति’ में, सैकड़ों जनजातियों को एक ‘अनुसूचित जनजाति’ में तथा अनेक पिछड़ी जातियों को एक ओ.बी.सी. (अन्य पिछड़ी जाति) में संगठित कर दिया.

तीन दशक पहले राजस्थान के हाड़ोती और झालावाड़ जिले में समाज के लोगों ने अपने को केवल ‘मेघवाल’ घोषित कर दिया और अपने भू-राजस्व रिकार्ड ठीक करा लिए. झुंझुनू में एक सम्मेलन में शेखावटी, खेतड़ी, झुंझुनू, फतेहपुर आदि के स्वजातीय भाईयों ने घोषणा कर दी कि ‘गर्व से कहो हम मेघवाल- हैं’. यहाँ भी ‘मेघवाल’ जाति के प्रमाण-पत्र बनवाकर भू-राजस्व रिकार्ड ठीक करा लिए. अलवर जिले में भी मुहिम चली तथा वहाँ भी ‘मेघवाल’ नाम से जाति प्रमाण-पत्र बनवा लिए. हरियाणा की ‘चमार महासभा’ की नारनौल इकाई ने भी अपने को ‘मेघवाल’ घोषित कर दिया है. कुरुक्षेत्र, रेवाड़ी व दिल्ली में भी ‘मेघवाल’ घोषित कर दिया है.

रूढ़िवादी हिन्दुओं की घृणा, दमन, शोषण एवं अत्याचारों से बचने के लिए दलित लोग समय-समय पर ‘जाति’ व ‘धर्म’ बदलते रहे हैं. परन्तु रूढ़िवादियों ने इन्हें ‘चमार’ ही कहा. अनगिनत प्रयास किए, पर पुछल्ला लगा ही रहा.

संगठन बल और सत्ताबल से सभी भय खाते हैं. आज जो जाति एकजुट हुई है, वही सफल रही है. अतः आज समय आ गया है कि इस वर्ग की सभी जातियाँ अपनी उपजातियाँ, आपस के वर्ग भेद को मिटाकर पुन: अपने मूल ‘मेघवाल’ नाम को स्वीकारें और अपनी ‘जाति पहचान’ को संगठित, सुदृढ़ और अखण्ड बनाए रखने के लिए अब ‘मेघवाल’ नाम के नीचे एक हो जाएं.   मेघवालों में आपस में यदि कोई समाजबंधु विभेद पूछना भी चाहे तो कह सकते हैं, मैं ‘जाटव मेघवाल’ हूँ, मैं ‘बैरवा मेघवाल’ हूँ, मैं ‘बुनकर मेघवाल’ हूँ मैं ‘बलाई मेघवाल’ हूँ, इत्यादि. इसके बाद साल-छ: महीनों में यह विभेद भी समाप्त हो जाएगा. आपसी भेदभाव भुलाकर रोटी-बेटी का व्यवहार शुरू करें. जब अन्य जातियों के लोग मेघवालों के शिक्षित बच्चों के साथ अपने बच्चों की शादी बिना किसी हिचकिचाहट के कर रहे हैं तो हम छोटी-छोटी उपजातियों में भेदभाव नहीं रखें तो अपनी एकता बनी रहेगी. मिथ्या भ्रम व भेदभाव की निद्रा से जागें.

इसके लिए सुझाव है कि ‘विश्व मेघवाल परिषद्’ या ‘अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय मेघवाल परिषद्’ नाम की एक प्रतिनिधि संस्था गाठित की जाए. भारत देश की सभी मेघवंशीय उपजातियाँ छोटे-बड़े का भेद भुलाकर आपसी सहयोग का एक समझौता कर सकती हैं.

हमें सुनिश्चित करना है कि हम केवल नौकरी की तलाश में न रहकर, व्यापार (बिज़नेस) की ओर भी ध्यान दें. यह शाश्वत सत्य है कि जिसने भी समय के साथ स्थान परिवर्तन किया, बाहर जाकर खाने-कमाने की कोशिश की, वे सम्पन्न हो गए. शहरों में जाकर भी धंधा कर सकते हैं. दृढ़ इच्छा शक्ति के साथ हम कुछ भी हासिल कर सकते हैं.

नाम बदलने के साथ-साथ हमें सामाजिक बुराईयों से, रूढ़ियों से भी निजात पानी होगी. हम मृत्यु-भोज पर हजारों रुपए खर्च कर डालते हैं, जो पाप है. अनेक देवी-देवताओं के मंदिरों में माथा टेकने से अच्छा है कि घर पर माँ-बाप की सेवा करें.

धर्मभीरूता को त्यागकर नए सवेरे की ओर बढ़ो! आज विज्ञान का युग है. हमने लिए अच्छा है कि हम विज्ञान सम्मत धर्म अपनाएं. गूंगे-बहरे मत बने.

(‘Meghvansh: Ek Singhavlokan’

Writer: R.P. Singh

ISBN 81-8033-017-6

Publisher: Ravi Prakashan

C-106 Rama Park, Kankrola Mod

Najafgarh Road, Uttam Nagar

New Delhi-110059

[Courtesy: Mr. Bharat Bhushan Megh - www.meghbhagat.blogspot.com]

Several aspects of Meghwar history and history of its literature are so shrouded into mist that we cannot differentiate the porous border of the historical events and the mythological beliefs where the Pauranic references have been diffused into the historical facts. So is the case with the great Meghwar personalities who lived historical lives in the mediaeval history of Indian Subcontinent.  We encounter difficulties when the identity of Megh Rikh, Megh Dharu, Megh Mahya or Meghwar itself is questioned. In this article we will try to understand the historical identity of Megh Rikh and Megh Dharu. There is common belief that Megh Rikh was the prime ancestor of Meghwar. In the Meghwar traditional literature and oral stories he is considered as the most revered personality among all the Meghwars alike. Meghwar consider themselves as the descendents of this great saint. It is also said that he got divine knowledge directly from God Shiva and handed down to his son named Megh Dharu who later endowed it to the Meghwar Jati or Meghwar community. Literally, Megh means Rain and Rikh is a local Rajasthani or Kutchhi dialect meaning Rishi. Both the terms Megh and Rishi have come from Sanskrit language. As described, Megh means ‘rain’ but in the mythological context the term is usually attributed to the ‘Rain god’¹. While another term Rikh, an abrogated form of the original Sanskrit term Rishi, which in the Hindu religious customs is referred to an ascetic or a seer. A Rishi is an ancient religious person who was often involved into the religious practices at a secluded place in the jungle or on the mountain. It has been noticed that the term Rikh in its local form was found or became famous first time into the Meghwar traditions and has now become an identity of this community. Similarly the term Rikhesar is also known which means the ‘Chief Rikh’ or ‘Chief Rishi’. It is probable that this terminology might have been used for Megh Rikh also.

The Meghwars belonging to different panths and religious orders have their own versions about the origin of Megh Rikh however a similarity lies in the deep to all the versions of the tradition. In the Megh Mahatamaya² it is said that God Shiva uttered the Agama Nigama to Megh Rikh who handed down them to his son Megh Dharu. Megh Dharu endowed the divine words to the Meghwar Jati or members of Meghwar community for their religious life. Barmati traditional literature also tells that ‘Megh Rikh had directly descended from the Hindu god Brahma’.³ An eminent anthropologist Dr Dominique-Sila Khan⁴ who has done considerable research on Meghwar people and their different beliefs also expounds on this term in an explicit manner. She also traces the famous tradition about the origin of Meghwar Jati and points out that the members of Meghwar were previously known by this name and still the name is repeated in their religious texts as honorified name of ancestors of Meghwar Jati.

Generally the name Meghwar is composed of two words Megh meaning ‘Rain’ and War meaning one who wards off or stops’ hence ‘one who wards off or stops the rain. Numerous historical texts about the origin of Meghwars of Sindh, Kutchh, Gujarat and Rajasthan where members of this community live, mention the versions of the same tradition. For instance, Rose states that ‘The Meghwal claim descent from Megh-rikh who was created by Narain’.⁵ Enthoven states that ‘the one who stops or wards off rain is called Meghwal’.⁶ Mohsin Ali Mohsin tells about Meghwar that ‘Megh means rain + War means to fall it!’.⁷ But the question is who was Megh Rikh and when and where he lived? Some Meghwar traditions claim that Megh Rikh lived thousands of years ago. A hardcore Meghwar tradition states that Megh Rikh was Rikhesar or Rishi. In this regard, the tradition goes in such a way that:

‘In the Sat Yuga, a group of Rikhesars were engaged in the worship of god Shiva.  Feared by their continuous worship, all the gods in the heaven gathered to determine to stop the worship. The god Vishnu in the guise of a Brahman along with a mysterious cow (Kavli Gaw) ascended on the earth and appeared before those Rikhesars. The god Vishnu asked them if they would care his cow for some time, however the god allowed them to drink its milk as much as they wanted. Everyday Rikhesars drank delicious milk from that mysterious cow. One day they thought that its milk is so delicious how much would be tasty its meat. Overwhelmed by that thought, they cut the cow and ate its meat. When Vishnu returned after few days, he could not find his cow and suspected that the Rikhesars had eaten it. Vishnu demanded his cow but Rikhesars lied that they did not know about it. At the same time, the parts the cow began to make sounds from their abdomens. By knowing this, Vishnu became furious, he cursed to the Rikhesars that they would be deserted into jungles for up to three yugas, but however in the fourth Kali Yuga their sin would be removed and be liberated when Matang Dev would come as an Incarnation of God Mahesh.’⁸ In this tradition it is however not known that who was Megh Rikh among that group of Rikhesars? Whatever the matter be, this is a mythological story and even Puranas do not support it. The most significant point in this tradition lies in the fact that Matang Dev is believed as the Tenth Incarnation of God Mahesh (Shiv).

Another Meghwar tradition seems more relevant and is often recounted in such a way that: ‘A certain Rishi named Ekal Shringi (who had grown one horn on his head) was busy in the deep meditation. All the year he remained in that condition but his meditation came to an interruption when it rained on the earth. He determined to stop the rain forever. Thus he captured the Twelve Meghs (the gods of Rain) and tied them into his horn. By this he could succeed in stopping the rain and the next year there was no rain on the earth. This situation created severe drought and due to scarcity of water the people and the animals began to die. Cultivation had completely destroyed. The people who survived went to the gods and vowed them to save their lives from the tyranny of Ekal Shringi. All gods and goddesses appealed to god Shiva to end the miseries of the human beings and got them relief by freeing the Twelve Meghs from the bondage of the tyrant. God Shiva agreed the request he took a guise of a mendicant and came into the   colony of the low caste people where a person named Megh Dharu was living along with his wife and one daughter. It was the same Megh Dharu who was the son of great Megh Rikh. Megh Dharu like his father was truthful and honest. He had always spoken truth and had nothing done wrong in his entire life. Megh Mahatamaya tells that the Megh Rikh was a scion of a certain Parmar king. His previous name was Megh Singh but he sought protection and became a disciple into the hermit of the rishi Dadhichi after an attack on his own country, he came to be known as Megh Rikh’.⁹ The further detail can be seen in my Ph.D. thesis where I have described all traditions and their historical analysis.

Shiva brought him to the place where Ekal Shringi was lost into meditation. Shiva told Megh Dharu to take a handful dust from under his own feet and threw it on the horn of Ekal Shringi. As soon as he did so, the horn cracked and the Twelve Meghs were freed from the bondage. They instantly returned to the sky at their original place. Afterwards there was no drought and no scarcity of water or food on the earth.’¹⁰

However Baghvant states in such a way that ‘god Shiva asked from him three things: Roti, Beti and Langoti i.e. bread, a daughter and a piece of cloth which he immediately provided to the man about whose identity he did not know. Being pleased of his generosity and honesty, god Shiva appeared into his divine form only to show that he was his god, Shiva.’¹¹

In the fourteenth century A.D. the king Ra Navghan (S.-/A.D. 1235?)¹² who ruled the famous state of Junagadh, as the Barmati Panth sources in a Ginan, traces a tradition that ‘Ra Navghan was informed by one of his royal astrologers called Barot¹³ that a twelve years long drought is alarming at the doors of his country and he must be prepared for it. The king was influenced by the prediction and ordered his men not to carry any one the water from the country’s reservoirs. He employed there guards to check this. Near to a water tank, there was a colony of the low caste people who were followers of the great spiritual guide Shree Mamai Dev. The spiritual guru had been staying in the colony in order to preach his followers. In the morning, the followers told that the king had imposed order not to take a single drop of water from the water tank, due to which they could not maintain the purity.’¹⁴

‘Mamai Dev determined to meet with Ra Navghan and removed his apprehensions based on false prediction of the royal astrologers. Ra Navghan had already in contact with Mamai Dev and was familiar with the miraculous power of the guru of the low castes. When Mamai Dev reached at the court, he offered him a high seat and asked if he wanted to say something. Mamai Dev told him that his imposition on the supply of water and food reservoirs is not appropriate. He called him to open water and food to the public because there is no drought at all instead of it there would be a heavy rain. This time the king was under the influence of the royal astrologer and was not seemed to be agreed with the Mamai Dev’s prediction. Mamai Dev left the palace. He worshipped at a place near a village Dhandhosan and then mounted on the Girnar’s top hill where he initiated hard practices to please God to make it rain on Junagadh. In very melodious tone, Mamai Dev uttered Ginans and called the Meghs, the rainy clouds. Suddenly, the clouds began to gather over Junagadh and heavy rain began to fill whole of the city. The rain continued to fall for up to three days. King feared that if Mamai Dev would not stop uttering the divine song, the rain would continue to fall and the whole city would be submerged in the flood. So he along with his guards and Meghwars mounted on Girnar and began to call for the mercy of the spiritual guide to bring an end that heavy rain.’¹⁵

‘Mamai Dev however told that the rain could be halted only when his beard will be submerged by the rain water. Then, one of his followers moved forward and took some rainy water into a vessel and submerged his beard with it. Mamai Dev was pleased of this pretty trick as the condition had been fulfilled and as it was done by his own follower so Mamai Dev ordered to Meghs to return to their original place and as such rain came to a halt.’ This whole narration can been found in Megh Vinti¹⁶ of the Barmati Panth sacred scripture. For the first time, the title was bestowed as Meghwar to the Barmati followers by Mamai Dev himself.

The above historical event states that how the name Meghwar came into existence and that it is not only a name but a title to the followers of Barmati Panth. It is also known that the title Meghwar was coined into the times of Mamai Dev who frequently used it in his own Ginans.

From the above three examples we evaluate that mythological stories about Megh Rikh and Megh Dharu are the only depictions of the historical event which is attached with Shree Mamai Dev’s miraculous event mentioned above as about him a number of historical events may be confirmed from the history. Mamai Dev lived between the second half of the thirteenth century A.D. and the first half of the fourteenth century A.D.¹⁷ He was the great grandson of Matang Dev (11th century A.D.),¹⁸  grand son of Lurang Dev (12^th century A.D.)¹⁹ and son of Matai Dev (13^th century A.D.)²⁰ He was the fourth spiritual guide of Maheshvari Meghwars – the followers of Barmati Panth. Thus it is now clear that the name Meghwar as previously supposed to be the ancient at least before the time of Mamai Dev is not correct. Rather from the different religious as well as historical evidences it may be established that the title Meghwar came into existence in the time of Mamai Dev. It is right that in the Ginans the word Meghwar has often been used with the narration of Shree Dhani Matang Dev, for instance, the Ginans Megh Vinti²¹, Guru Vaso²², Punje Purkhe Ji Vagat²³. etc but it should be kept in mind that mostly these Ginans were composed by Mamai Dev in whose time the name Meghwar had come into existence and he therefore used the Meghwar title for followers of Matang Dev as well.

The identities of Megh Rikh and Megh Dharu will continue to be mysterious and hardly we can find any clue about their origin in history until we see their traditions in the Meghwar historical personalities which we have tried above. The inhibition of Megh Dharu, the son of Megh Rikh, as the weaver and his life as the low caste in the downtrodden colony helps to compare him with the low caste follower of Matang Dev or Mamai Dev. As we know that weaving was the main profession in which Meghwar people excelled to highest degree. An eminent anthropologist Dr Dominique Sila Khan²⁴ informs that Matang Dev is also regarded as Matang Rikh in Rajasthan in except of the fact that Maheshvari Meghwars consider Matang Dev as their spiritual father (Dada) while Mahya vanshis²⁵ call Megh Rikh as Megh Matang also.

    References:

^1.Malsi Ladha Baghvant. (1991).   Matang Puran ane Meghwar samaj ni utpati. (Matang Puran and Origins of Meghwar society). Kutchh: Printed by Jatashankar Baghvant. p.131. Please see also Unpublished Manuscript. Shree Mamai Dev. See also Unpublished Manuscript. Shree Mamai Dev. Ginan:Megh Vinti. Sur: Sindhoro. Total 7 verses. 14th century A.D. Originally written in Shastri Bhasha. Copied by Kheraj Velji Thonthya in Gujarati script under the same title of the Ginan. 1957. Note Book No.3; p.68. The Ginans of Barmati Panth. Personal collection. Also see Note Book  No.3. p.145.

^2.Jeevannathji Sadanand Nathaji. (n.d.). Shri Megh Mahatamaya: Meghwar Sant Bhakto na Jivan no tunk parichaya. Narmadateerath Brighu Rishi Ashram Niwasi Maharaj Shri Jeevan Nathji Sadanand Nathji.pp.143-158. It is also called Shiv Sarodha Gyan.

^3.Versi R. Lalan, Matang Smriti. Printed by Ramji Mangliya. Mahesh Panthi Sahitya Prakashan. Gandhidham (Kutchh). 2004, p1.

^4.See Dominique-Sila Khan, Conversions and Shifting Identities: Ramdev Pir and Ismailis in Rajasthan, 1997, Manohar Publishing Co. Delhi.

^5.H.A.Rose. A Glosssary of the tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier. Nirmal Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi.1997.p.148.

^6.R.E. Enthoven. The tribes and Castes of Bombay, Vol-III.1922. Bombay Govt. Central Library, Rept. Vol-III, 1975, Cosmo Publications, Delhi, pp.43-52.

^7.Tarikh-e-Alam. Printed by the author, Sanghar (Sindh),1991,p.204.

^8.ibid. Baghvant,1991, pp.22-26.

^9.ibid. Baghvant. P.14.

^10.ibid. Jivannathji. n.d. pp.14-19.

^11.ibid. Baghvant. P.42.

^12.James Burgess. Antiquities of Kutch and Kathiawar, Sindhi Adabi Board, 1991. p.165. Hyderabad. According to the dynastic table of the kings of Junagadh given by James Burgess, he might be Ra Mahipal II (Sam.1421/A.D. 1371) who existed in the time of Mamai Dev.

^13.A traditional genealogist who used to keep register to note down a family’s lineage and important facts.

^14.ibid. Baghvant. 1991. p.122.

^15.ibid. Baghvant. p.133.

^16.See note 1.

^17.Mohan Devraj Thontya. PhD Thesis titled History and Culture of Meghwar: From the earliest times to the modern age submitted in July 2009 at the University of Karachi for award of degree. p.177.

^18.Thontya. ibid. p.180.

^19.ibid. p.182.

^20.ibid. p.182.

^21.See above note 16.

^22.See above note 16.

^23.Unpublished Manuscript. Shree Mamai Dev. Ginan:Panje Purkhe Ji Vagat. Sur Sindhoro. Total 5 verses+Vel. 14th century A.D. Originally written in Shastri Bhasha. Copied by Kheraj Velji Thonthya in Gujarati script under the same title of the Ginan. 1957. Note Book No.4; pp.14-16. The Ginans of Barmati Panth. Personal collection.

^24.See Dominique-Sila Khan. ibid.

^25.See Jivannathji. ibid. p.94.

Lord Matangdev is the founder of ‘Barmati Panth‘. It is believed that Matangdev was born some 900-1000 years ago near present day Bihar (India)  on the banks of holy river Ganges . His mother’s name is ‘Jasdedevi’ and father’s name is ‘Matra-rakh’ and he is maternal grandson of renowned ‘Gautam-rakh’. He is widely regarded as 10^th incarnation of God in Kalyug.

After attaining spirituality on wearing ‘Karam-Vindhi’ (Gold ring) handed over to him by Aspar Pandya (Satgur), he decided to remove sorrows and sufferings from the life of common man. On his journey towards bringing peace, prosperity and happiness in the life of people of all walks of life, he noticed that a large chunk of Indian Society is deprived of basic necessities of life including religion. He observed that ‘Jhankhriyas’ (untouchables) and ‘Simbhriyas’ (tribals) have been prohibited to profess religion due to religious ban coerced upon them by high caste Hindus. Thus, he determined to devote his life for the welfare and upliftment of downtrodden people and founded a messianic religion called ‘Barmati Panth’ on the solid foundation of equality & brotherhood. His first message was ‘Dharmachar’ and ‘Karamjwar’ which means to practice tenets of religion (Barmati Panth) with utmost faith and devotion. His collections of discourses are known as ‘Genan’.

On his initial solitary journey from Bihar to the western parts of ancient India, he congregated hundreds of thousands of people and assimilated them into his newly formed religion known as Barmati Panth. Presently, lakhs of followers of Barmati Panth are professing religion founded by Matangdev with great enthusiasm and complete faith in his teachings. All his followers, known as ‘Meghwars’, are spread all over India but its population is predominant in Kutch, Saurashtra and Sindh regions.

Barmati religious discourses (Genan) reveals that Lakho Ghuraro, a very first ancestor of Jadeja clan (princely ruling class of Kutch region), urged Matangdev to bless him with supernatural powers to have his own ruling state in Sindh/Kachchh. Revered Matangdev blessed Lakha Ghurara that one day his descendents would be able to form their own princely state in Kutch region. Interestingly, history of Kutch reveals that the descendants of Lakha Ghurara i.e. Jadejas were able to form their own ruling in Kutch for more than eight centuries. It is said that Matangdev performed 12 years meditation at Chandrua Hills (Bhuj).

History of Kutch owes much to Matangdev for his sheer valour and gallantry shown while protecting motherland from brutal attack of ‘Haidarkhan Pastan’ (a Pathan warrior from Sindh). This feat of Matangdev is unparalleled in Indian history as no other religious guru (teacher) has ever attempted to lift sword for safety of its people. Eventually, while fighting with Haidarkhan on the outskirts of Kutch/Sindh region, Matang Dev died a martyr death alongwith ‘Abda-Jiyani’ (a warrior of Kutch). However, before leaving for heavenly abode, he called upon his son ‘Ludangdev’ for timely help in the battlefield. As soon as Ludangdev arrived, Matangdev could not survive longer and this great messiah left this world leaving behind a gigantic task of uniting people and preaching holy sermons.

Witnessing martyrdom of his father and brave Abda-Jiyani, Lord Ludangdev gathered all his strength and attacked Haiderkhan with full force and killed him. Thus, the attacker was prevented from entering Kutch soil else he would have ruined motherland with tears.

Body of Lord Matang-Dev is buried at ‘Seni-Thar’ near Badin-Sindh (now in Pakistan), which is the foremost pilgrimage place of all ‘Maheshwary Meghwars’. Every year, holy pilgrimage is performed at ‘Seni-Thar’ in the month of Vaishakh (Indian Calender) with utmost faith and devotion.

Source: The above article is written on the basis of facts narrated in Barmati Panth religious discourses known as ‘Genan’.

પુજ્ય શ્રી મામૈદેવ જ્ઞાન કથન અનુસાર “દશોધ” થકી મહેશ્વરી સમાજમાં ધાર્મિક અને સામાજીક નવચેતના.